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Have Smartphones Demolished a Generation? The Atlantic

Have Smartphones Ruined a Generation?

More convenient online than out partying, post-Millennials are safer, physically, than adolescents have ever been. But they’re on the brink of a mental-health crisis.

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Have Smartphones Demolished a Generation?

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  O ne day last summer, around noon, I called Athena, a 13-year-old who lives in Houston, Texas. She answered her phone—she’s had an iPhone since she was 11—sounding as if she’d just woken up. We chatted about her dearest songs and TV shows, and I asked her what she likes to do with her friends. “We go to the mall,” she said. “Do your parents drop you off?,” I asked, recalling my own middle-school days, in the 1980s, when I’d love a few parent-free hours shopping with my friends. “No—I go with my family,” she replied. “We’ll go with my mom and brothers and walk a little behind them. I just have to tell my mom where we’re going. I have to check in every hour or every thirty minutes.”

  Those mall trips are infrequent—about once a month. More often, Athena and her friends spend time together on their phones, unchaperoned. Unlike the teenagers of my generation, who might have spent an evening tying up the family landline with gossip, they talk on Snapchat, the smartphone app that permits users to send pictures and movies that quickly vanish. They make sure to keep up their Snapstreaks, which display how many days in a row they have Snapchatted with each other. Sometimes they save screenshots of particularly ridiculous pictures of friends. “It’s good blackmail,” Athena said. (Because she’s a minor, I’m not using her real name.) She told me she’d spent most of the summer suspending out alone in her room with her phone. That’s just the way her generation is, she said. “We didn’t have a choice to know any life without iPads or iPhones. I think we like our phones more than we like actual people.”

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  I’ve been researching generational differences for twenty five years, commencing when I was a 22-year-old doctoral student in psychology. Typically, the characteristics that come to define a generation show up little by little, and along a continuum. Beliefs and behaviors that were already rising simply proceed to do so. Millennials, for example, are a very individualistic generation, but individualism had been enhancing since the Baby Boomers turned on, tuned in, and dropped out. I had grown familiar to line graphs of trends that looked like modest hills and valleys. Then I began studying Athena’s generation.

  Around 2012, I noticed abrupt shifts in teenage behaviors and emotional states. The gentle slopes of the line graphs became steep mountains and sheer cliffs, and many of the distinctive characteristics of the Millennial generation began to vanish. In all my analyses of generational data—some reaching back to the 1930s—I had never seen anything like it.

  The allure of independence, so powerful to previous generations, holds less sway over today’s teenagers.

  At very first I presumed these might be blips, but the trends persisted, across several years and a series of national surveys. The switches weren’t just in degree, but in kind. The thickest difference inbetween the Millennials and their predecessors was in how they viewed the world; teenagers today differ from the Millennials not just in their views but in how they spend their time. The practices they have every day are radically different from those of the generation that came of age just a few years before them.

  What happened in two thousand twelve to cause such dramatic shifts in behavior? It was after the Good Recession, which officially lasted from two thousand seven to two thousand nine and had a starker effect on Millennials attempting to find a place in a sputtering economy. But it was exactly the moment when the proportion of Americans who possessed a smartphone surpassed fifty percent.

  T he more I pored over yearly surveys of teenage attitudes and behaviors, and the more I talked with youthful people like Athena, the clearer it became that theirs is a generation shaped by the smartphone and by the concomitant rise of social media. I call them iGen. Born inbetween one thousand nine hundred ninety five and 2012, members of this generation are growing up with smartphones, have an Instagram account before they embark high school, and do not reminisce a time before the internet. The Millennials grew up with the web as well, but it wasn’t ever-present in their lives, at forearm at all times, day and night. iGen’s oldest members were early adolescents when the iPhone was introduced, in 2007, and high-school students when the iPad entered the scene, in 2010. A two thousand seventeen survey of more than Five,000 American teenagers found that three out of four possessed an iPhone.

  The advent of the smartphone and its cousin the tablet was followed quickly by hand-wringing about the deleterious effects of “screen time.” But the influence of these devices has not been fully appreciated, and goes far beyond the usual concerns about curtailed attention spans. The arrival of the smartphone has radically switched every aspect of teenagers’ lives, from the nature of their social interactions to their mental health. These switches have affected youthful people in every corner of the nation and in every type of household. The trends emerge among teenagers poor and rich; of every ethnic background; in cities, suburbs, and petite towns. Where there are cell towers, there are teenagers living their lives on their smartphone.

  To those of us who fondly recall a more analog adolescence, this may seem foreign and troubling. The aim of generational examine, however, is not to give way to nostalgia for the way things used to be; it’s to understand how they are now. Some generational switches are positive, some are negative, and many are both. More comfy in their bedrooms than in a car or at a party, today’s teenagers are physically safer than teenagers have ever been. They’re markedly less likely to get into a car accident and, having less of a taste for alcohol than their predecessors, are less susceptible to drinking’s attendant ills.

  Psychologically, however, they are more vulnerable than Millennials were: Rates of teenage depression and suicide have skyrocketed since 2011. It’s not an exaggeration to describe iGen as being on the brink of the worst mental-health crisis in decades. Much of this deterioration can be traced to their phones.

  Even when a seismic event—a war, a technological leap, a free concert in the mud—plays an outsize role in shaping a group of youthfull people, no single factor ever defines a generation. Parenting styles proceed to switch, as do school curricula and culture, and these things matter. But the twin rise of the smartphone and social media has caused an earthquake of a magnitude we’ve not seen in a very long time, if ever. There is compelling evidence that the devices we’ve placed in youthfull people’s arms are having profound effects on their lives—and making them gravely unhappy.

  I n the early 1970s, the photographer Bill Yates shot a series of portraits at the Sweetheart Roller Skating Rink in Tampa, Florida. In one, a shirtless teenage stands with a large bottle of peppermint schnapps stuck in the waistband of his jeans. In another, a boy who looks no older than twelve poses with a cigarette in his mouth. The rink was a place where kids could get away from their parents and inhabit a world of their own, a world where they could drink, smoke, and make out in the backs of their cars. In stark black-and-white, the adolescent Boomers stare at Yates’s camera with the self-confidence born of making your own choices—even if, perhaps especially if, your parents wouldn’t think they were the right ones.

  Fifteen years later, during my own teenage years as a member of Generation X, smoking had lost some of its romance, but independence was certainly still in. My friends and I plotted to get our driver’s license as soon as we could, making DMV appointments for the day we turned sixteen and using our newfound freedom to escape the restricts of our suburban neighborhood. Asked by our parents, “When will you be home?,” we replied, “When do I have to be?”

  But the allure of independence, so powerful to previous generations, holds less sway over today’s teenagers, who are less likely to leave the house without their parents. The shift is stunning: 12th-graders in two thousand fifteen were going out less often than eighth-graders did as recently as 2009.

  Today’s teenagers are also less likely to date. The initial stage of courtship, which Gen Xers called “liking” (as in “Ooh, he likes you!”), kids now call “talking”—an ironic choice for a generation that chooses texting to actual conversation. After two teenagers have “talked” for a while, they might embark dating. But only about fifty six percent of high-school seniors in two thousand fifteen went out on dates; for Boomers and Gen Xers, the number was about eighty five percent.

  The decline in dating tracks with a decline in sexual activity. The drop is the sharpest for ninth-graders, among whom the number of sexually active teenagers has been cut by almost forty percent since 1991. The average teenage now has had lovemaking for the very first time by the spring of 11th grade, a total year later than the average Gen Xer. Fewer teenagers having hook-up has contributed to what many see as one of the most positive youth trends in latest years: The teenage birth rate hit an all-time low in 2016, down sixty seven percent since its modern peak, in 1991.

  Even driving, a symbol of adolescent freedom inscribed in American popular culture, from Rebel Without a Cause to Ferris Bueller’s Day Off, has lost its appeal for today’s teenagers. Almost all Boomer high-school students had their driver’s license by the spring of their senior year; more than one in four teenagers today still lack one at the end of high school. For some, Mom and Dad are such good chauffeurs that there’s no urgent need to drive. “My parents drove me everywhere and never complained, so I always had rails,” a 21-year-old student in San Diego told me. “I didn’t get my license until my mom told me I had to because she could not keep driving me to school.” She ultimately got her license six months after her 18th bday. In conversation after conversation, teenagers described getting their license as something to be nagged into by their parents—a notion that would have been unthinkable to previous generations.

  Independence isn’t free—you need some money in your pocket to pay for gas, or for that bottle of schnapps. In earlier eras, kids worked in good numbers, impatient to finance their freedom or prodded by their parents to learn the value of a dollar. But iGen teenagers aren’t working (or managing their own money) as much. In the late 1970s, seventy seven percent of high-school seniors worked for pay during the school year; by the mid-2010s, only fifty five percent did. The number of eighth-graders who work for pay has been cut in half. These declines accelerated during the Good Recession, but teenage employment has not bounced back, even however job availability has.

  Of course, putting off the responsibilities of adulthood is not an iGen innovation. Gen Xers, in the 1990s, were the very first to postpone the traditional markers of adulthood. Youthful Gen Xers were just about as likely to drive, drink alcohol, and date as youthful Boomers had been, and more likely to have hook-up and get pregnant as teenagers. But as they left their teenage years behind, Gen Xers married and commenced careers later than their Boomer predecessors had.

  Gen X managed to spread adolescence beyond all previous boundaries: Its members began becoming adults earlier and finished becoming adults later. Beginning with Millennials and continuing with iGen, adolescence is contracting again—but only because its onset is being delayed. Across a range of behaviors—drinking, dating, spending time unsupervised— 18-year-olds now act more like 15-year-olds used to, and 15-year-olds more like 13-year-olds. Childhood now spreads well into high school.

  Why are today’s teenagers waiting longer to take on both the responsibilities and the delights of adulthood? Shifts in the economy, and parenting, certainly play a role. In an information economy that prizes higher education more than early work history, parents may be inclined to encourage their kids to stay home and explore rather than to get a part-time job. Teenagers, in turn, seem to be content with this homebody arrangement—not because they’re so studious, but because their social life is lived on their phone. They don’t need to leave home to spend time with their friends.

  If today’s teenagers were a generation of grinds, we’d see that in the data. But eighth-, 10th-, and 12th-graders in the 2010s actually spend less time on homework than Gen X teenagers did in the early 1990s. (High-school seniors headed for four-year colleges spend about the same amount of time on homework as their predecessors did.) The time that seniors spend on activities such as student clubs and sports and exercise has switched little in latest years. Combined with the decline in working for pay, this means iGen teenagers have more leisure time than Gen X teenagers did, not less.

  So what are they doing with all that time? They are on their phone, in their room, alone and often distressed.

  O ne of the ironies of iGen life is that despite spending far more time under the same roof as their parents, today’s teenagers can hardly be said to be closer to their mothers and fathers than their predecessors were. “I’ve seen my friends with their families—they don’t talk to them,” Athena told me. “They just say ‘Okay, okay, whatever’ while they’re on their phones. They don’t pay attention to their family.” Like her peers, Athena is an experienced at tuning out her parents so she can concentrate on her phone. She spent much of her summer keeping up with friends, but almost all of it was over text or Snapchat. “I’ve been on my phone more than I’ve been with actual people,” she said. “My bed has, like, an imprint of my bod.”

  In this, too, she is typical. The number of teenagers who get together with their friends almost every day dropped by more than forty percent from two thousand to 2015; the decline has been especially steep recently. It’s not only a matter of fewer kids partying; fewer kids are spending time simply stringing up out. That’s something most teenagers used to do: nerds and jocks, poor kids and rich kids, C students and A students. The roller rink, the basketball court, the town pool, the local necking spot—they’ve all been substituted by virtual spaces accessed through apps and the web.

  You might expect that teenagers spend so much time in these fresh spaces because it makes them blessed, but most data suggest that it does not. The Monitoring the Future survey, funded by the National Institute on Drug Manhandle and designed to be nationally representative, has asked 12th-graders more than 1,000 questions every year since one thousand nine hundred seventy five and queried eighth- and 10th-graders since 1991. The survey asks teenagers how blessed they are and also how much of their leisure time they spend on various activities, including nonscreen activities such as in-person social interaction and exercise, and, in latest years, screen activities such as using social media, texting, and browsing the web. The results could not be clearer: Teenagers who spend more time than average on screen activities are more likely to be unhappy, and those who spend more time than average on nonscreen activities are more likely to be glad.

  There’s not a single exception. All screen activities are linked to less happiness, and all nonscreen activities are linked to more happiness. Eighth-graders who spend ten or more hours a week on social media are fifty six percent more likely to say they’re unhappy than those who devote less time to social media. Admittedly, ten hours a week is a lot. But those who spend six to nine hours a week on social media are still forty seven percent more likely to say they are unhappy than those who use social media even less. The opposite is true of in-person interactions. Those who spend an above-average amount of time with their friends in person are twenty percent less likely to say they’re unhappy than those who drape out for a below-average amount of time.

  The more time teenagers spend looking at screens, the more likely they are to report symptoms of depression.

  If you were going to give advice for a blessed adolescence based on this survey, it would be straightforward: Put down the phone, turn off the laptop, and do something—anything—that does not involve a screen. Of course, these analyses don’t unequivocally prove that screen time causes unhappiness; it’s possible that unhappy teenagers spend more time online. But latest research suggests that screen time, in particular social-media use, does indeed cause unhappiness. One investigate asked college students with a Facebook page to accomplish brief surveys on their phone over the course of two weeks. They’d get a text message with a link five times a day, and report on their mood and how much they’d used Facebook. The more they’d used Facebook, the unhappier they felt, but feeling unhappy did not subsequently lead to more Facebook use.

  Social-networking sites like Facebook promise to connect us to friends. But the portrait of iGen teenagers emerging from the data is one of a lonely, dislocated generation. Teenagers who visit social-networking sites every day but see their friends in person less frequently are the most likely to agree with the statements “A lot of times I feel lonely,” “I often feel left out of things,” and “I often wish I had more good friends.” Teens’ feelings of loneliness spiked in two thousand thirteen and have remained high since.

  This doesn’t always mean that, on an individual level, kids who spend more time online are lonelier than kids who spend less time online. Teenagers who spend more time on social media also spend more time with their friends in person, on average—highly social teenagers are more social in both venues, and less social teenagers are less so. But at the generational level, when teenagers spend more time on smartphones and less time on in-person social interactions, loneliness is more common.

  So is depression. Once again, the effect of screen activities is unmistakable: The more time teenagers spend looking at screens, the more likely they are to report symptoms of depression. Eighth-graders who are mighty users of social media increase their risk of depression by twenty seven percent, while those who play sports, go to religious services, or even do homework more than the average teenage cut their risk significantly.

  Teenagers who spend three hours a day or more on electronic devices are thirty five percent more likely to have a risk factor for suicide, such as making a suicide plan. (That’s much more than the risk related to, say, watching TV.) One chunk of data that indirectly but gorgeously captures kids’ growing isolation, for good and for bad: Since 2007, the homicide rate among teenagers has declined, but the suicide rate has enhanced. As teenagers have commenced spending less time together, they have become less likely to kill one another, and more likely to kill themselves. In 2011, for the very first time in twenty four years, the teenage suicide rate was higher than the teenage homicide rate.

  Depression and suicide have many causes; too much technology is clearly not the only one. And the teenage suicide rate was even higher in the 1990s, long before smartphones existed. Then again, about four times as many Americans now take antidepressants, which are often effective in treating severe depression, the type most strongly linked to suicide.

  W hat’s the connection inbetween smartphones and the apparent psychological distress this generation is experiencing? For all their power to link kids day and night, social media also exacerbate the age-old teenage concern about being left out. Today’s teenagers may go to fewer parties and spend less time together in person, but when they do congregate, they document their hangouts relentlessly—on Snapchat, Instagram, Facebook. Those not invited to come along are keenly aware of it. Accordingly, the number of teenagers who feel left out has reached all-time highs across age groups. Like the increase in loneliness, the upswing in feeling left out has been swift and significant.

  This trend has been especially steep among ladies. Forty-eight percent more chicks said they often felt left out in two thousand fifteen than in 2010, compared with twenty seven percent more boys. Ladies use social media more often, providing them extra opportunities to feel excluded and lonely when they see their friends or classmates getting together without them. Social media levy a psychic tax on the teenage doing the posting as well, as she anxiously awaits the affirmation of comments and likes. When Athena posts pictures to Instagram, she told me, “I’m jumpy about what people think and are going to say. It sometimes bugs me when I don’t get a certain amount of likes on a picture.”

  Women have also borne the brunt of the rise in depressive symptoms among today’s teenagers. Boys’ depressive symptoms enlargened by twenty one percent from two thousand twelve to 2015, while girls’ enhanced by fifty percent—more than twice as much. The rise in suicide, too, is more pronounced among damsels. Albeit the rate enhanced for both sexes, three times as many 12-to-14-year-old damsels killed themselves in two thousand fifteen as in 2007, compared with twice as many boys. The suicide rate is still higher for boys, in part because they use more-lethal methods, but women are beginning to close the gap.

  These more dire consequences for teenage chicks could also be rooted in the fact that they’re more likely to practice cyberbullying. Boys tend to hellion one another physically, while ladies are more likely to do so by undermining a victim’s social status or relationships. Social media give middle- and high-school chicks a platform on which to carry out the style of aggression they favor, ostracizing and excluding other chicks around the clock.

  Social-media companies are of course aware of these problems, and to one degree or another have endeavored to prevent cyberbullying. But their various motivations are, to say the least, complicated. A recently leaked Facebook document indicated that the company had been touting to advertisers its capability to determine teens’ emotional state based on their on-site behavior, and even to pinpoint “moments when youthful people need a confidence boost.” Facebook acknowledged that the document was real, but denied that it offers “tools to target people based on their emotional state.”

  I n July 2014, a 13-year-old female in North Texas woke to the smell of something searing. Her phone had overheated and melted into the sheets. National news outlets picked up the story, stoking readers’ fears that their cellphone might spontaneously combust. To me, however, the flaming cellphone wasn’t the only surprising aspect of the story. Why, I wondered, would anyone sleep with her phone beside her in bed? It’s not as however you can surf the web while you’re sleeping. And who could slumber deeply inches from a gyrating phone?

  Nosey, I asked my undergraduate students at San Diego State University what they do with their phone while they sleep. Their answers were a profile in obsession. Almost all slept with their phone, putting it under their cushion, on the mattress, or at the very least within arm’s reach of the bed. They checked social media right before they went to sleep, and reached for their phone as soon as they woke up in the morning (they had to—all of them used it as their alarm clock). Their phone was the last thing they spotted before they went to sleep and the very first thing they eyed when they woke up. If they woke in the middle of the night, they often ended up looking at their phone. Some used the language of addiction. “I know I shouldn’t, but I just can’t help it,” one said about looking at her phone while in bed. Others witnessed their phone as an extension of their body—or even like a paramour: “Having my phone closer to me while I’m sleeping is a convenience.”

  It may be a convenience, but the smartphone is cutting into teens’ sleep: Many now sleep less than seven hours most nights. Sleep experts say that teenagers should get about nine hours of sleep a night; a teenage who is getting less than seven hours a night is significantly sleep deserted. Fifty-seven percent more teenagers were sleep neglected in two thousand fifteen than in 1991. In just the four years from two thousand twelve to 2015, twenty two percent more teenagers failed to get seven hours of sleep.

  The increase is suspiciously timed, once again beginning around when most teenagers got a smartphone. Two national surveys display that teenagers who spend three or more hours a day on electronic devices are twenty eight percent more likely to get less than seven hours of sleep than those who spend fewer than three hours, and teenagers who visit social-media sites every day are nineteen percent more likely to be sleep abandoned. A meta-analysis of studies on electronic-device use among children found similar results: Children who use a media device right before bed are more likely to sleep less than they should, more likely to sleep poorly, and more than twice as likely to be sleepy during the day.

  I’ve observed my toddler, slightly old enough to walk, confidently swiping her way through an iPad.

  Electronic devices and social media seem to have an especially strong capability to disrupt sleep. Teenagers who read books and magazines more often than the average are actually slightly less likely to be sleep deprived—either reading lulls them to sleep, or they can put the book down at bedtime. Watching TV for several hours a day is only weakly linked to sleeping less. But the allure of the smartphone is often too much to stand against.

  Sleep deprivation is linked to myriad issues, including compromised thinking and reasoning, susceptibility to illness, weight build up, and high blood pressure. It also affects mood: People who don’t sleep enough are prone to depression and anxiety. Again, it’s difficult to trace the precise paths of causation. Smartphones could be causing lack of sleep, which leads to depression, or the phones could be causing depression, which leads to lack of sleep. Or some other factor could be causing both depression and sleep deprivation to rise. But the smartphone, its blue light glowing in the dark, is likely playing a nefarious role.

  T he correlations inbetween depression and smartphone use are strong enough to suggest that more parents should be telling their kids to put down their phone. As the technology writer Nick Bilton has reported, it’s a policy some Silicon Valley executives go after. Even Steve Jobs limited his kids’ use of the devices he brought into the world.

  What’s at stake isn’t just how kids practice adolescence. The constant presence of smartphones is likely to affect them well into adulthood. Among people who suffer an gig of depression, at least half become depressed again later in life. Adolescence is a key time for developing social abilities; as teenagers spend less time with their friends face-to-face, they have fewer opportunities to practice them. In the next decade, we may see more adults who know just the right emoji for a situation, but not the right facial expression.

  I realize that restricting technology might be an unrealistic request to impose on a generation of kids so acquainted to being wired at all times. My three daughters were born in 2006, 2009, and 2012. They’re not yet old enough to display the traits of iGen teenagers, but I have already witnessed firsthand just how ingrained fresh media are in their youthful lives. I’ve observed my toddler, scarcely old enough to walk, confidently swiping her way through an iPad. I’ve experienced my 6-year-old asking for her own cellphone. I’ve overheard my 9-year-old discussing the latest app to sweep the fourth grade. Prying the phone out of our kids’ forearms will be difficult, even more so than the quixotic efforts of my parents’ generation to get their kids to turn off MTV and get some fresh air. But more seems to be at stake in urging teenagers to use their phone responsibly, and there are benefits to be gained even if all we instill in our children is the importance of moderation. Significant effects on both mental health and sleep time show up after two or more hours a day on electronic devices. The average teenage spends about two and a half hours a day on electronic devices. Some mild boundary-setting could keep kids from falling into harmful habits.

  In my conversations with teenagers, I witnessed hopeful signs that kids themselves are beginning to link some of their troubles to their ever-present phone. Athena told me that when she does spend time with her friends in person, they are often looking at their device instead of at her. “I’m attempting to talk to them about something, and they don’t actually look at my face,” she said. “They’re looking at their phone, or they’re looking at their Apple Observe.” “What does that feel like, when you’re attempting to talk to somebody face-to-face and they’re not looking at you?,” I asked. “It kind of hurts,” she said. “It hurts. I know my parents’ generation didn’t do that. I could be talking about something super significant to me, and they wouldn’t even be listening.”

  Once, she told me, she was dangling out with a friend who was texting her bf. “I was attempting to talk to her about my family, and what was going on, and she was like, ‘Uh-huh, yeah, whatever.’ So I took her phone out of her palms and I threw it at my wall.”

  I couldn’t help laughing. “You play volleyball,” I said. “Do you have a pretty good arm?” “Yep,” she replied.

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